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WORLD & PEACE

LENIN AND PEACE 1

A central part of Lenin's program of building Socialism in Soviet Russia was to avoid military clashes with the capitalist countries and to struggle resolutely for peace and peaceful coexistence. This was urgent because in Lenin's view, socialism and capitalism would coexist for a long time. Peace, he held, would increase the forces of revolution a hundred-fold.

The first act of the Soviet state, a day after the Revolution, was to proclaim a decree addressed to all the warring peoples and to their governments for a just and democratic peace involving both the imperialist nations and Soviet Russia. He considered that agreements between Soviet Russia and capitalist countries were compatible with Marxist principles.|At the end of 1918 he denounced those who opposed trade with-imperialist countries, arguing that "a Socialist Republic among imperialist powers would not be able, on the basis of such views, to conclude any economic treaties and could not exist without flying to the moon."

In an interview with Karl Wiegand, published in the New York Evening Journal on Feb, 21, 1920, he stated: "Our plans in Asia? The same as in Europe: peaceful coexistence with the peoples, with the workers and peasants of all nations." Asked about the obstacles to peaceful relations with the capitalists, he answered, "On the side of the Soviets there were none."

Through the storms of the civil war, Lenin saw the prospects of more extended peaceful times. On Nov. 20, 1920, following the defeat of the counter-revolution, Lenin said that now "we have more than a breathing space, we have entered a new period in which we have won the right to our fundamental international existence in the network of capitalist states... today we can speak not only of a breathing space but of a new and lengthy period of peaceful development."

In 1921, Lenin gave a broader analysis of the question of the relations between the states. He asked, "Is the existence of a socialist Republic in a capitalist environment conceivable in general? It seemed inconceivable from the political and military aspects. That it is possible both politicaly and militarily has now been proved. It is a fact. What about trade? We know how much hostility we shall encounter. But we know that the economic position of those who blockaded us has proved to be vulnerable. There is a force more powerful than the wishes, the will and decisions of any of the governments and classes that are hostile to us. That force is the world general economic relations, which compel them to make contact with us."

Of course Lenin had no illusions about the danger of war from the side of the imperialists. On the contrary, he stressed in the early years that "we are within a hair's breadth of war." At the height of the civif war he stated, in March 1919, "We are living not merely in a state but in a system of states and it is- inconceivable that Soviet Russia could exist side by side with the imperialist states for any length of time. One or the other must triumph in the end and before the end comes there will have to be a series of frightful collisions between the Soviet Republic and the bourgeois states."

As we know, Lenin was correct when he said there would be "frightful collisions", as the war against fascism proved. But we also know that the period of peaceful coexistence lasted for more than 20 years, from 1920 to 1941. We must ask: if it was possible to have such a long interval of peace under the tremendously difficult conditions of capitalist encirclement, is it not possible, under the far more favourable circumstances of many socialist states, a powerful national liberation movement, and strong Communist Parties, etc., given a militant struggle, to prevent the outbreak of war entirely?

Already in 1960 the world Communist movement, in the declaration of 81 parties, stated that war is no longer fatally inevitable. The Statement adopted by the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties in Moscow in June 1969 repeated this view, stating that\a "new world war can be averted by the combined efforts of the socialist countries, the international working class, the national liberation movement, all peace-loving countries, public organizations and mass movements." "The defence of peace," it continued, "is inseparably linked with the struggle to compel the imperialists to accept peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems."




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